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The Perils of Academic Unions

New York City’s academic community has experienced more than a semester of labor turbulence. In September, after a summer of eschewing all formal contract negotiations, the City University of New York’s faculty union, the Professional Staff Congress, convened a mass meeting to rally support for a strike. Six weeks later, New York University graduate students walked off the job, demanding recognition of a graduate student union, the GSOC.

These strategies do not seem to have paid dividends. The PSC’s plan fizzled amidst widespread faculty ambivalence about (or even opposition to) defying New York State law, which prohibits strikes by public employee unions; a settlement on terms well short of the union’s “non-negotiable” demands appears imminent. At NYU, President John Sexton recently stated that striking graduate students would not receive 2006 teaching assignments; some of those who started off on picket lines have returned to their jobs. In retrospect, PSC and GSOC leaders probably erred in their hard-line rhetoric and actions. But the two organizations also illustrate — if in an exaggerated fashion — some of the pitfalls associated with academic unionization.

Supporters of the PSC and GSOC attribute the unions’ difficulties to broader political, societal, and economic forces. The union movement has found George W. Bush an implacable foe. Organized labor is divided — as seen in the departure of SEIU and related unions from the AFL-CIO — and has struggled to organize new workers. Pressures from globalization have rendered obsolete the types of union contracts common in the 1950s or early 1960s.

Yet the nature of the university — a non-profit institution in which an overwhelmingly pro-labor faculty shares the task of campus governance — buffers academic unions from many of these national trends. It is for this reason, as supporters have noted, that academic unions have functioned at many public universities without significant controversy, if not for the overall educational good.

Campus organizations, however, also suffer from problems rare in the labor movement nationally. Since few academics enter the profession to become labor activists, those who gravitate toward union service are more likely to fall on the fringes of a professoriate that already is ideologically one-sided. They therefore become particularly susceptible to what Emory University’s Mark Bauerlein has termed the academy’s “groupthink,” adopting extreme positions that weaken their standing with legislators, alumni, or parents.

Bauerlein contends that one aspect of groupthink occurs when “the members of a group reach a consensus and rarely encounter those who dispute it, [so] they tend to believe that everybody thinks the same way.” The GSOC has discovered how this “false consensus effect” can inadvertently alienate constituencies critical to the union’s success. For instance, the New York Sun reported that as part of its campaign to move classes off campus, the GSOC paid to hold classes in — of all places — the U.S. Communist Party’s headquarters. (It is doubtful that this move will help convince any neutral trustees that the union’s views represent a mainstream perspective.) Meanwhile, a pro-strike group of more than 200 professors, Faculty Democracy, threatened to withhold undergraduates’ fall-term grades unless Sexton assigned the strikers to spring-term teaching positions, from which they could then continue to refuse to work. (It seems unlikely that parents of NYU seniors will sympathize with the faculty’s casual willingness to disadvantage their children’s candidacies for admission to professional schools.)

The PSC, meanwhile, has demonstrated another component of groupthink. Cass Sunstein, a law professor at the University of Chicago, has described the “law of group polarization” as a pattern in which deliberation moves ideologically one-sided groups “toward a more extreme point in the direction indicated by their own predeliberation judgments.” Group polarization helps explain a PSC record that has limited the union’s influence by casting the organization as a caricature of out-of-touch tenured radicals. At a meeting of the American Federation of Teachers executive council five weeks after the attacks on the World Trade Center, PSC President Barbara Bowen cast the sole vote against a resolution supporting the U.S. military campaign against the Taliban.In 2004, the PSC’s delegate assembly (unanimously) approved a protest at Colombia’s United Nations consulate, bizarrely contending that attacks on Colombian educators were “really designed to crush teachers’ resistance to the same conservative agenda against public education we are fighting in New York.”

As these experiences suggest, academic unions’ difficulties are in many ways self-inflicted. GSOC and PSC members have noticed: Inside Higher Ed recently revealed that the GSOC, whose ranks already excluded most science students, has seen participation in the strike by math students cease, while the latest U.S. Department of Labor figures show that an extraordinary 16.6 percent of the PSC’s bargaining unit has opted out of the union entirely despite a requirement to pay agency fees.

But if campus labor organizations do not always get their way, does higher education suffer as a result? An internal ideological contradiction leads academic unions to impose a structure ill-suited for the academy, one that can even enforce mediocrity. On the one hand, groups like GSOC and PSC have committed themselves to resisting what they term the “corporate university.” (On December 15, the PSC delegate assembly — unanimously — approved a resolution hailing the GSOC strike as “the cutting edge of labor solidarity in the face of academic corporatization.”) On the other, the PSC and GSOC have embraced a basic element of the corporate system — a labor/management model in which a union can represent all workers in particular jobs.

Though appropriate to an assembly line, this vision of the academy suggests that the “work” of all graduate students or professors is essentially comparable — standing in front of a classroom for a certain number of hours each week, regardless of the quality of the performance or the content of the lecture, and (for professors) engaging in service. This level of expectation, unfortunately, often applies to adjuncts. But it is badly misplaced for graduate students or professors. In such an academy, a union member who focuses on legal philosophy would be as competent to TA a course in aesthetics as a non-union Ph.D. student who specialized in the topic, as the GSOC claims. A professor with 30 years of service but an insignificant publication and teaching record would deserve the same salary as a colleague with similar seniority but multiple prize-winning books and a record of distinguished teaching, as the PSC insists.

The corporate model of a labor/management divide also makes unions like the PSC and GSOC at best imperfect vehicles to protect academic freedom — and at worst, facilitators of the internal threats to free thought from which the contemporary academy suffers.

A jarring reminder of campus administrations violating academic freedom occurred in 2004 at the University of Southern Mississippi. But most corrupted personnel processes (I speak, in part, from personal experience here) involve primarily the actions of senior faculty members, with “management” only ratifying decisions that “labor” already made.

Such cases produce an inherent conflict of interest, by forcing the union to contest the record of other union members — often campus leaders or colleagues with longstanding personal or professional relationships with key union members. At CUNY, for instance, the faculty and union leaderships are interchangeable. The chair of CUNY’s Faculty Senate, Susan O’Malley, sits on the PSC’s executive committee; many PSC leaders are in the Senate. Likewise, it’s hard to imagine a certified GSOC aggressively representing a graduate student who filed a grievance against a member of Faculty Democracy.

Even setting aside the ideological or bureaucratic temptation to uphold the campus majorities upon which unions rely for their support, the corporate model can handicap protecting untenured faculty rights. Almost all faculty contracts resolve personnel disputes through arbitration. Unlike lawyers, union grievance counselors must balance an aggressive representation of the individual faculty member against the need to maintain long-term working relationships with the administration’s legal staff. Arbitration systems, moreover, generally are weighted in favor of the employer. While it remains difficult to win a tenure lawsuit, over the last 10 years, courts (perhaps showing less deference to academic self-governance after speech code cases revealed the shortcomings of university legal processes) have increased their involvement in college personnel matters.

Not all academic unions, of course, are as ideologically extreme as the PSC or the GSOC. And the motives behind unionization movements are understandable. Compared to the public universities of two generations ago, faculty workload has increased, even though salaries have risen at a much slower rate than in most private sector jobs. Moreover, outside pressures to cut costs and demonstrate tangible achievements have led some administrations to behave in a more unilateral fashion.

Yet it is dubious that more powerful faculty unions or newly created graduate student unions will correct these problems. As Senator Lamar Alexander informed the Secretary of Education’s Commission on the Future of Higher Education, the “absence of true diversity of opinion” on most campuses — a status quo to which unions contribute — represents “the greatest threat to broader public support and funding for higher education.” And, as we’ve seen most recently at the University of Colorado following the Ward Churchill affair, dubious conduct by tenured faculty members — which unions are committed to defend — can unintentionally boost the leverage of campus or system administrators. Professors would be better served getting their own house in order and then making the case for higher salaries or more autonomy rather than adopting the corporate model championed by groups like the PSC or GSOC.

At NYU, Sexton deserves credit for putting the integrity of his institution first. And at CUNY, key members of the Board of Trustees have courageously resisted the outlandish demands and frequently bullying tactics of their labor foes. The records of the GSOC and PSC offer textbook examples of how groupthink and the corporate model embraced by academic unions can contradict the basic goals of higher education.

KC Johnson is a professor of history at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center.

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Comments

Unions are strong where management is weak

Another thought-provoking note by Dr. Johnson. As a former service sector union member, I am well-aware of Prof. Johnson’s point on how some labor unions form (e.g., graduate teaching assistants). Put simply, the working conditions can be awful – deception, abuse, disorder.

There’s an old saying – “unions are strong, where management is weak.” IMHO, academia has 100% proven that old saying.

KC also makes a salient point about unions among the tenured. Hello? As if there needs to be more bureaucracy involved, trying to get those folks to do their jobs?

Further, KC’s point about the tension between professional responsibilities and laws related to union (e.g., “duty to represent”). Refusing to report to work, after signing agreements not strike, hardly engenders a vision of moral authority to the public and students.

At bottom: students and their families face huge bills for college costs. Those costs have been increasing, as the public reduces subsidies to higher education to pay for increasing costs in Medicare/Medicaid and other entitlements.

Those families expect colleges to perform their duties in a cost-effective way. Otherwise, those colleges will be passed over – there are other choices.

A.D., at 8:15 am EST on February 24, 2006

faculty unions

While I cannot comment on the specific situation in New York, I feel I have to respond to this vicious anti-union piece in today’s Inside Higher Ed. I have been teaching at my university for 36 years, and I am the author, translator, and editor of seven books, hardly at the edges of the professorate. I am also a member of the Board of Directors my union, the Massachusetts Teachers Association (NEA) and the grievance officer on my campus. My experience with the union is that it offers real protections to faculty at the hands of power hungry, arbitrary administrators who routinely punish faculty for their skin color, gender, sexual preference, ideas, and even ethnicity (yes, white people who don’t practice the preferred religion or belong to the preferred ethnic group are punished too!). While not all administrators are like this, this type is hardly rare. Beyond that unions increase wages and benefits. What I’ve learned is that if you work, you need a union whether you are blue collar or a professor. Those who disagree are sometimes well intentioned and also extraordinarily inexperienced and naive.

Levon Chorbajian, Professor of Sociology at University of Massachusetts Lowell, at 8:20 am EST on February 24, 2006

Moved off-campus?

So the “strike” at NYU involved moving classes off-campus? How is that a strike? If classes are being conducted, tuition is being paid, and degrees are being conferred, that is no strike at all. It’s simply relocating the place of instruction.

Bad English, at 9:00 am EST on February 24, 2006

The Right to Unionize?

I won’t try here to argue with KC Johnson about whether unions are a good thing (I generally think they are). Before we can get to that question, though, we need to ask a prior question: do faculty and graduate students have the right to unionize? This is what is denied at NYU, and many other campuses. If administrators have the right to ban unions, it suggests that they can deny faculty and students almost any other rights. I hope that KC will defend the right to unionize as strongly as he critiques the decision to unionize.

John K. Wilson, at 9:30 am EST on February 24, 2006

Strange Leaps of Logic

I guess this far into a strike you have to try hard to come up with something “original” to say, but it is still somewhat breathtaking to see the author blame unions for introducing the “corporate model” to academia, leaving the likes of John Sexton to heroically defend the ivory tower.

There are few actual arguments in this piece- it basically trots out a standard anti-union position (fear of bureaucracy) and dresses it up in some academic clothes. All these ways in which Johnson holds unions to be unsuited for the academy are basically arguments against any sort of collective action- the supposed perils of “groupthink” and conflicts of interest are always raised when talking about democratic institutions.

A major flaw in Johnson’s argument is that he provides no evidence that these unions create the conflicts he dislikes rather than simply bringing existing conflicts into a public sphere. Second, he is on shaky ground extrapolating from two unions he doesn’t like to a claim that unions are unsuited to higher education. For example, I deplore the fact that many unions in this country have, and continue to, exclude women and people of color, but I see those as failures of particular unions, not the basis for some grandiose claim about labor as a whole. Of course, if the author had done the same, he would have had to engage in a more specific and grounded discussion of what he dislikes and how he’s worked within his own union to change it.

Dave Dobbie, University of Michigan, at 9:50 am EST on February 24, 2006

Responses

Many thanks to those who read the piece and took time to comment.

To respond to John Wilson’s question: I don’t think anyone seriously contends that faculty don’t have the right to unionize. (I certainly don’t contend it.) As to graduate students, I think that the NLRB’s decision on NYU was correct: federal labor law, for very good reasons, does not confer a legal right on students to form unions.

To respond to Prof. Chorbajian’s comments: I was born in Massachusetts; my parents were public school teachers and longtime members of the MTA. I think the union has done great work for K-12 teachers. I’m puzzled, however, by the comment that higher-ed unions are necessary to battle against “arbitrary administrators who routinely punish faculty for their skin color, gender, sexual preference, ideas, and even ethnicity.” Is the argument here that, for instance, white males are somehow uniquely endangered at Brown because the institution’s president happens to be an African-American female? And if such racism, sexism, and heterosexism is, in fact, so pervasive in the academy, why would unions be any less likely to suffer from such views than administrators, given that both draw their ranks primarily from current or former members of the faculty.

KC Johnson, Professor of History at Brooklyn College, at 11:30 am EST on February 24, 2006

One Question:

What would you have them do? How do graduate students who are mistreated defend themselves, if not by collective action?

Emma Goldman, at 3:35 pm EST on February 24, 2006

Not all collectives are equal

While the protest at Harvard U to oust its President was not a union activity, it did require a large consensus of faculty and students who were able to pressure an administration quite effectively. Why? Professors and students at Harvard are at little risk of ending up jobless or penniless. Their Harvard ‘reputation’ would no doubt be entrees to other university posts or programs. Not so most faculty at other institutions. When it’s a buyer’s market, the common consumer is expendable and replaceable; this is not true of the consumer and representatives of luxury items. The fear factor, unfortunately, runs the lives of many Americans—both inside and outside academia

Alan Gerstle, at 4:20 pm EST on February 24, 2006

Fighting Back

It is always wise to remember Ben Franklin’s admonishment to his fellow colonists that if they didn’t hang together, they would certainly hang separately.

normalvision, Prof. of English (ret.), at 5:50 pm EST on February 24, 2006

KC Johnson wants to know “Is the argument that...white males are somehow uniquely endangered at Brown because the institution’s president happens to be an African-American female?” The answer is no, it is not. I never made such a statement nor any statement remotely similar, nor was such a view implied anywhere in my post. There is not much connection between a person’s demographic characteristics and their policies, and such essentialist arguments are unsubstantiated by fact.

As to why there is any reason to believe that unions would be better than administrators on issues of civil and human rights, and a commitment to fairness and equality given that both are mainly drawn from the faculty, I would say that’s a terrific question, and here is my answer. While the record of unions is not unblemished, unions are a response to injustice in the workplace, and they have fought long and hard to empower workers. Some unions in the past made it part of their program to admit and value minority members and to promote them to positions of leadership. If you ask if it was unions or management that offered support to the Civil Rights movement, you find that it was unions. And if you ask if it is unions or management that fights for decent wages, job security, health and pension benefits, and a living wage, again it is unions. The national president of my union, the NEA, is Reg Weaver, a Black man who does a terrific job. Is there any professional association of college and university presidents or upper level administrators that has ever been able to make that claim? I don’t think so. Most college and university administrators and faculty union leaders may be drawn from the same pool of faculty as KC Johnson asserts, but they are not the same sorts of people, nor do they enter the same kinds of worlds governed by the same values and commitments.

I’ll end by saying that I’ve enjoyed reading the posts by the other contributors. Thank you for your contributions. It’s been heartening to learn that people are not having much trouble figuring out which end is up.

levon chorbajian, To KC Johnson at U. of Massachusetts Lowell, at 6:30 pm EST on February 24, 2006

Vote with their feet

” .. How do graduate students who are mistreated defend themselves, if not by collective action?”

They can vote with their feet. They are not prisoners in a Communist gulag. No one is forcing them to stay. No one is asking them to sacrifice themselves. Any such belief is delusion on their part. Few who leave are truly missed.

Warren Beatty, at 9:00 pm EST on February 24, 2006

anti-union

Unions are not for professional people, right? So lawyers and doctors et al have professional organizations that insist on the proper treatment that ought to be accorded those within their ranks.

This anti-union piece suggests we might as well go back to the time, not all that long ago, when the president of a college simply hired and fired as he saw fit, without any concern or direction from faculty. That would simplify things.

A friend, a former vice president for one of the biggest corporations in Aemrica, had as his job making sure that unions did not come into the many plants scattered across America. He told me that basically he had to find out what would prompt the need for a union and then fix things so that the workers would feel no need for a union.

The artice above ought to distinguish beteeen faculty, full-time, with a vested interest in their college and grad students, at an institution for a short time and then moving on.

There is nothing inherently wrong with an organization that focuses upon the needs of those working for an instituion, but without the right of collective bargaining, such organizations remain fairly impotent.

I have been at a universitgy in which therewas a strike of the faculty. The administration then brought in scabs, dumped its striking faculty, and later, unloaded the scabs since they were hardly the sort that were credentials enough to be wanted after the strike. Only in America and in South Africa can workers be replaced by scabs permanently. It is thus in this anti-union bias that your writer presents his screed against collective bargaining. Perhaps we all might be better by hiring illegals or outsourcing our students.

fred lapides, at 6:45 am EST on February 25, 2006

Union demands unsustainable

” .. I have been at a universitgy (sic) in which there was a strike of the faculty ..”

Usually done at most critical time (start/end of semester) out of concern for students — NOT!

” .. The administration then brought in scabs, dumped its striking faculty, and later, unloaded the scabs ..”

Yo — with dozens of qualifed, unemployed PhDs in so many areas — exactly what real bargaining power did the strikers have? Answer: 0.0001 erg.

” .. Perhaps we all might be better by hiring illegals ..”

Could it be any worse, financially, than the current scheme?

” .. or outsourcing our students. ..”

Or the students would outsource you and your kind because you cost too much, sir.

http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abs...s=FA0712F63E550C748CDDA00894DD404482

A.D., at 9:00 am EST on February 25, 2006

More Responses

Prof. Goldman asks: “What would you have them do? How do graduate students who are mistreated defend themselves, if not by collective action?” It’s a hard question to answer in the abstract, since it’s unclear what is meant by “mistreated.” For instance, the NYU grad students receive packages totaling some $50,000 in tuition waivers, stipends, and benefits—hardly what most would consider mistreatment. Grad students who are mistreated by their advisors can, of course, complain to department chairs, or to administrators, or even file lawsuits.

Prof. Chorbajian contends, “Most college and university administrators and faculty union leaders may be drawn from the same pool of faculty as KC Johnson asserts, but they are not the same sorts of people, nor do they enter the same kinds of worlds governed by the same values and commitments.” I’m not an administrator, nor do I ever have an intention to become an administrator, but this statement seems to me a considerable exaggeration.

Prof. Lapides notes that my article “suggests we might as well go back to the time, not all that long ago, when the president of a college simply hired and fired as he saw fit, without any concern or direction from faculty.” I’m sure some IHE readers would know the percentage of colleges and universities that are unionized, but I’m unaware of many non-unionized schools (the Ivy League?, Stanford?, the Univ. of Chicago?) that operate under such principles.

Prof. Lapides adds that “I have been at a university in which therewas a strike of the faculty. The administration then brought in scabs, dumped its striking faculty, and later, unloaded the scabs since they were hardly the sort that were credentials enough to be wanted after the strike.” It would help in commenting on this claim if Prof. Lapides identified the university, since the story apparently has been totally overlooked by the higher-education media.

I’m struck by the fact that few commenters seem to defend the specific practices of either the GSOC or the PSC. Regardless of one’s general perspective on whether academic unions are overall healthy or not, I suppose this consensus is a positive point.

KC Johnson, Professor of History at Brooklyn Coll., at 2:10 pm EST on February 25, 2006

The joys of union egalitarianism

I have been full time at Pratt Institute, a private art and design college in Brooklyn NY, since 1969. Pratt unionized in the early 1970s.

One feature of our contract is that there can be no merit raises. (Our union has informed us that when merit raises as allowed, 1) the chairs just give them to their friends, and 2) that we are all equally competent as faculty.) The salary you are hired at is your salary for the rest of your career. (There are across-the-board “inflation” raises, which have typically been about 3 percent per year over the decades.)

The only exception is that there are minimums for each rank, so you might get a raise if promoted, for example, from assistant professor to associate professor. However, since most faculty members always were paid more than the very low minimums, in practical terms this was meaningless.

In my cased, in 25+ years I went from an instructor with a couple years experience to a full professor with decades of experience, several published books, scores of published articles, numerous new courses, etc., etc. with no merit raise. (Indeed, after 25+ years I was a full professor making much less than I had been as an instructor after corrections for inflation.)

Colleagues got PhDs, built buildings, published books, launched centers, brought in grants, etc. etc., all with no impact on salary.

If anyone would like to discuss the joys of union egalitarianism and its elevation of the creative soul, I am available.

John Lobell, Professor at Pratt Institute, at 11:10 am EST on February 26, 2006

Response to Lobell

I find John Lobell’s claims about the salary structure at the Pratt Institute difficult to believe. All union contracts I know of give raises to professors who have received promotions to higher ranks. At the University of Massachusetts Lowell, thanks to our union, these increases are quite generous. For example, all professors promoted from associate professor to full professor receive a salary increase of $13,000 a year. If indeed professors at Pratt receive no increases with promotions then I would have to conclude that Prof. Lobell, his colleagues, and the union leadership have been asleep at the wheel.

As for merit raises, there is no satisfactory solution to this issue. Merit raises whether allocated by faculty or administration are distributed to friends. The union is accurate in its claim here. However, it is not accurate to say that all faculty are equally accomplished and equally meritorious. That is obviously not true. My union fights hard against merit and profesionally accomplished persons like myself are hurt by this, but there is simply no way to assess and reward merit that does not quickly veer off into corruption. I have come to accept my union’s position on this because I think the other benefits are greater than this one disadvantage.

Levon Chorbajian, Professoer of Sociology at University of Massachusetts Lowell, at 12:05 pm EST on February 27, 2006

Enough said

“My union fights hard against merit”

You have skillfully summed up my case against academic unions in only a few words. Nothing more needs to be said.

Bad English, at 12:35 pm EST on February 27, 2006

Response to Chorbajian

It is interesting to see that certain people, when they do not like what is being said, do not rebut the facts, but attack the person making the statement.

Chorbajian writes: “I find Lobell’s claim about the salary structure at Pratt Institute difficult to believe.”

I wonder why Chorbajian does not say, “I find Lobell’s statements … unusual”, or “different from the situation at my institution”? What is being said here? That my statements are untrue?

My union has chosen not to put our contract online, so I cannot refer you to it, but I assure you that I am not mistaken about the circumstances under which I have been working for 25+ years.

Chorbajian writes: “I would have to conclude the Prof. Lobell … have been asleep at the wheel.”

I do not know if Chorbajian has ever tried to deal with union leadership, but I assure him that the union leadership at Pratt will attest to the fact that I have not been asleep.

Chorbajian then writes: “there is simply no way to assess and reward merit that does not quickly veer off into corruption.”

Hmmm. So 2,500 colleges in the US, including the entire Ivy League and most elite science institutions are corrupt? Wow, those socialists at University of Massachusetts Lowell must have done extensive research. Are those findings posted anywhere?

PS, thanks, Bad English :-).

John Lobell, Professor at Pratt Institute, at 2:00 pm EST on February 27, 2006

merit, etc.

The idea of merit pay is unobjectionable as a system for rewarding those with substantial achievements in teaching innovation, research production, grant acquisition, etc. However, this ideal is frequently not practiced. This is especially true when pools of money are available to be distributed by administrators entirely at their discretion. Then ‘merit’ becomes a way of rewarding friends and supporters, and purchasing allies—a system I believe deserves to be called corrupt.

My union has invested its energies in opposing merit systems because we believe that it is a flawed system whose weaknesses cannot be rectified. Instead we have put our energies into guaranteeing substantial pay increases for professors who are promoted to higher ranks. While not perfect, this is a form of merit which does reward professional achievement through a system of peer and administrative evaluation which takes the power out of the hands of a single individual such as a department chair or dean and subtitutes levels of evaluation where candidates have a better chance of a fair hearing.

The basic facts are these: on average professors on unionized campuses make more money and receive better benefits than professors on non-unionized campuses. Professors on unionized campuses also have legal protections of their rights through the grievance procedure. Non-unionized faculty have only the right to sue in certain situations and then only at daunting personal expense.

As for personal attacks on Prof. Lobell, I believe I have made none. His claim that the Pratt Institute offers no raise to professors promoted to higher ranks may be true, but it so much at odds with anything I am familiar with or have read about on unionized and non-unionized campuses alike that it does seem unbelievable. Is that a personal attack?

Levon Chorbajian, Professor of Sociology at University of Massachusetts Lowell, at 8:15 am EST on February 28, 2006

Unions/Merit

I strongly endorse faculty unions. However, I was at my last campus in an abusive situation where the union president was also my chair. The union, which was good about economistic issues (raises) was unhelpful about conflicts between union members. For this reason, I think faculty/staff unions should come under NLRB so that Taft-Hartley (normally considered a conservative measure), where supervisors and workers cannot be in the same union, would apply.

It’s possibly even desirable that non-tenured and tenured people be in different unions— since the vast bulk of unfavorable actions against junior faculty come from senior colleagues, not administrators.

I firmly support merit. On a campus where it’s allocated by committees that range across ranks and units, with objective criteria, it’s a fair system. If deans award it, it becomes a way of rewarding cronies.

Henry Vandenburgh, at 5:00 pm EST on February 28, 2006

What would you have them do?

“What would you have them do? How do graduate students who are mistreated defend themselves, if not by collective action?”

They can file a lawsuit, as can anyone who is truly mistreated by anyone else.

Reader, at 9:40 am EST on March 2, 2006

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