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Who’s Undermining Free Speech on Campus Now?

Freedom of speech is crucial both to a healthy democracy and the life of the mind. The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution prohibits Congress from any act that would abridge it and the charters of most of our colleges and universities recognize that freedom of thought and speech are essential to a healthy academic community.

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Yet, freedom of speech has been a contested value since the birth of the Republic, most commonly in periods of war, from the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 through the USA Patriot Act of 2001. It isn’t surprising, then, that freedom of speech is now under siege. What
is new in our academic communities is that it is threatened both from within and from outside them.

The internal threat to free speech in academia is posed by speech codes. They take many forms and vary from one college to the next university. After the 1960s, when American colleges and universities ceased to operate in loco parentis, campus speech codes emerged on one campus after another as a means of securing a “safe space” for some
students who were offended by certain kinds of speech. On one campus or another, speech that is discomforting, embarrassing, flirtatious, gender specific, inappropriate, inconsiderate, harassing, intimidating, offensive, ridiculing or threatens a loss of “self-esteem” is banned by speech codes.

Too often, they target student critics of academic bureaucracy. Taken literally, speech codes would ban healthy jeering at a visiting sports team. Wouldn’t want to intimidate those Aggies! More importantly, teachers have to be able to urge students to consider perspectives that they had not previously considered, without fear of being accused of being “offensive.” Ultimately, speech codes are problematic because they vest final authority in the subjectivity of the offended.

Whether it is “intentional or unintentional,” for example, Brown University bans all “verbal behavior” that may cause “feelings of impotence, anger, or disenfranchisement.” The
nation’s Founders, who did not mind offending British authorities, would have been ill-educated by such constrictions on free speech.

The problem with speech codes is that speech that should be self-governed by good manners and humility is prescripted by inflexible legal codification. Fortunately, however, the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education has fought and won a series of legal battles that have curtailed the prevalence of speech codes in public higher education.

In private colleges and universities, where First Amendment rights do not necessarily
prevail, the struggle continues on an institution by institution basis. Just when there is good news to report about the unconstitutionality of speech codes on public campuses, however, new threats to free speech arise from outside the academic community.

They come from the Center for the Study of Popular Culture. The center and its legal arm, the Individual Rights Foundation, are led by David Horowitz. A militant activist on the left in the 1960s, Horowitz abandoned it 25 years ago to become a militant activist on the right. Most recently, he has campaigned for enactment of an “Academic Bill of Rights.”

Like campus speech codes, Horowitz’s Academic Bill of Rights appears well intentioned. Insisting that academic communities must be more responsive to outside criticism, it adopts a form of the American Association of University Professors’ 1915 “General Report of the Committee on Academic Freedom and Tenure.” It holds that political and religious beliefs should not influence the hiring and tenuring of faculty or the evaluation of students, that curricular and extra-curricular activities should expose students to the variety of perspectives about academic matters and public issues, and that institutions must not tolerate obstructions to free debate nor, themselves, become vehicles of partisan advocacy.

Who could oppose such commitments? They are already features of academe’s assumed values. Yet, the American Association of University Professors and the American Civil Liberties Union criticize Horowitz’s “Academic Bill of Rights” as an effort to “proscribe and prescribe activities in classrooms and on college campuses.”

One has only to look at the legislative progress of Horowitz’s political campaign to understand why. His bill has been introduced in Congress by Rep. Jack Kingston, but it’s had greater promotion in the state legislatures of California, Colorado,
Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Ohio, Tennessee, and Washington.

Instead of being the even-handed vehicle it claims to be, everywhere it is a function of right-wing attacks on academic communities. In Florida, for example, Rep. Dennis Baxley says that the bill he introduced will give students legal standing to sue professors who do not teach “intelligent design” as an acceptable alternate to the theory of evolution. His critics respond that it could give students who are Holocaust deniers or who oppose
birth control and modern medicine legal standing to sue their professors. Beyond the governing authority of Florida’s public colleges and universities and in the name of free thought and free speech, it would encode in state law restrictions against those values.

The Founders, who recalled their own exercise of free speech and free thought, when they challenged British governing authority, wrote guarantees protecting them from constricting government action. In academic communities, we need an alliance across ideological divides to support free speech by abolishing “speech codes” and to fight the “Academic Bill of Rights” in state legislatures and the Congress because it is a Trojan Horse that intends the opposite of what it claims on its face.

David Beito is an associate professor of history at the University of Alabama; KC Johnson is a professor of history at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center. Ralph E. Luker is an Atlanta historian.

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Comments

An easy solution — go charter

Master your own fate. Face the ugly truth — as long as you take public dollars, you will be under public control and public scruntiny. Once you go charter, no more intrusive public hearings and meddling politicians. Show some courage — go charter. If you are as brilliant and charismatic as you claim, going charter will be easy. The young and idealistic will follow you.

Mr. Ward Churchill’s next boss, Mgr at McDonald’s, at 11:29 am EDT on April 13, 2005

Patriot Act?

I wonder why the author did not provide citations to specific provisions of the Patriot Act that, he feels undermine freedom of speech. If he feels that certain provisions allow the government to obtain records from libraries he could have provide details regarding: 1) what sections do this; 2) how does this differ from prior law; and 3) how the law prior to the Patriot Act provided library borrowers with a 4th and 1st amendment right to take out whatever books they want, and force any library not to divulge the content of their records.

While it is well and good to defend the concept of free speech, I think it is unpardonable to refer to the text of statutes or court opinion without having read them. Indeed, I don’t quite see the virtue of encouraging people to speak their minds on anything when many seem reluctant to read the materials to which they refer.

Larry, at 1:32 pm EDT on April 13, 2005

Reactionary Relativism

What is academic freedom? I always thought it was the freedom to discuss various epistemological approaches to diverse ideas. I understood the discussion to be one based on critical thinking where logic and evidence were used in the pursuit of knowledge. Instead the neocons have usurped a perspective usually expressed by liberals: radical relativism. This extension of postmodernism basically espouses the idea that one person’s opinion is just as good as another’s is. This approach is mistakenly considered being open-minded. But opinions about ideas that are supported by logic and evidence are not equivalent to those without such support, especially where evidence exists for one viewpoint and not the other. Thus, legally forcing the introduction of “alternative” opinions that are not backed with logic or evidence is not guaranteeing academic freedom but, rather, obfuscating it. Arguing that the moon is made of green cheese or that the earth is flat would not expand academic freedom in college or universities. Neither would be forcing the introduction of other unsupported beliefs such as creationism or intelligent design.

Hank Cetola, Professor Emeritus at Adrian College, at 8:42 pm EDT on April 13, 2005

This bill and movement are incongruent with the political Right

What has confused me about the support for this sort of nonsense from the right is that recently the right has been (in my mind at least) associated with smaller (and less intrusive) government and the desire to effect “tort reforms” which would reduce the amount of so-called frivolous lawsuits.

This Bill (and the movement backing it) do neither, but instead encourage students to run to a lawyer when their feelings get hurt, or worse the government. I can not imagine much good that will come from this legislation, except perhaps a new breed of lawyer joke about professor-chasers.

Peter Hanley, Temple.University, at 3:39 pm EDT on April 15, 2005

Undermining free speech

Universities are bureaucracies that engage in systematic surveillance, prior restraint, suppression and censorship of their own staff (particularly non-academic staff) and especially those writers and editors hired to communicate on their behalf. University writers and editors must not write and edit freely, on pain of firing. How many incidents of censorship and suppression of university publications have been recorded over the years?

The university is the censor, prohibiting free inquiry and expression concerning its own decision-making processes and operations. The university bureaucracy — including the faculty — will accept nothing but propaganda and happy talk. Writers and editors who work for universities are not free.

When faculty members begin to demand and exercise free inquiry and expression (instead of suppressing them systematically), we may then take them seriously when they claim these rights for themselves. Until then, their claims are just a form of special pleading. Faculty members (and all university bureaucrats) are no more congenial to free inquiry and expression than bosses anywhere. Universities resemble nothing so much as tiny authoritarian states. Those outside the universities are quite right to scoff at university — and faculty — hypocrisy.

George, at 5:19 pm EDT on April 15, 2005

Academic Bill of Rights Misrepresented

In their article “Who’s Undermining Free Speech on Campus Now,” Professors Beito, Johnson, and Luker rightly acknowledge the harmful effects of speech codes on free expression and intellectual debate on college campuses. But they wrongly accuse our organization’s Academic Bill of Rights of limiting free speech and serving as a “function of right-wing attacks on academic communities.” Far from being a partisan document, the Academic Bill of Rights does not contain a single reference to particular political doctrines. Rather, it lays out a broad framework of principles, which together serve to protect the academic freedom of both students and faculty. That the legislative sponsors of the Academic Bill of Rights have been mainly conservatives speaks not to the partisan nature of the bill, but rather to the partisan and intolerant climate on American campuses where six out of seven faculty members are on the political left.

Claims that the Academic Bill of Rights would lend credence to Holocaust deniers or would prevent the teaching of controversial topics are absurd. The Florida bill discussed in the article states that ““Faculty and instructors have a right to academic freedom in the classroom in discussing their subjects, but they should make their students aware of serious scholarly viewpoints other than their own” (emphasis added). Holocaust denial could not be considered a “serious scholarly viewpoint” and thus would not come under this provision, and the authority to determine what are “serious scholarly viewpoints” rests on the shoulders of the academic community.

It should be noted that the University of Florida along with several other universities in the state already contain provisions mandating essentially the same standard. In the case of the University of Florida, they state, “Consistent with the exercise of academic responsibility, a teacher must have freedom in the classroom in discussing academic subjects, selecting instructional materials and determining grades. The University student must likewise have the opportunity to study a full spectrum of ideas, opinions, and beliefs, so that the student may acquire maturity for analysis and judgment. Objective and skillful exposition of such matters is the duty of every instructor.” Sincerely, Sara Dogan National Campus DirectorStudents for Academic Freedom

Sara Dogan, National Campus Director at Students for Academic Freedom, at 10:15 pm EDT on April 15, 2005

Reply to Ms. Dogan

Since the values Ms. Dogan says she espouses are already embodied in the operative assumptions of the state’s institutions of higher education, what would be the point of lifting that responsibility away from the state’s governing authority in higher education — other than to encourage litigation — when there are already procedures in place to handle any grievances? Ms. Dogan does not acknowledge that the author of the Florida legislation specifically cited his bill as authorizing students to bring suits against professors who do not introduce “intelligent design” as a coherent alternative to evolution as a way of explaining the origin and development of plant and animal life. Ms. Dogan does not acknowledge that Mr. Horowitz testified on behalf of that legislation. Why pretend otherwise?

Ralph E. Luker, at 6:09 am EDT on April 16, 2005

Re: Undermining Free Speech

George,

You got it right!

Colleges and universities, regardless of public or private, are under the aegis of one form of censorship or another; the censorship is simply couched differently.

Ac academia is simply another institution, indeed a bereaucracy, complete with the antiquated hierarchal structures that, while peddling a “notion” of free speech, craft policy and procedure around diluting the notion.

In my long experiences with both the corporate and academic sectors, I’ve yet to engage an organization that, at the door, did not suppress the very guaranteed rights all american citizens are suppose to enjoy... free speech being primary.

Free speech may occur in a cafeteria, the student union, and the confines of a tete a tete, it certainly doesn’t exist within the forums of faculty meetings, administrative councils, or for that matter, the classroom.

All organizations should post a sign at the front doors that reads, “All ye who enter here... abandon your democratic rights and freedoms.”

Michael

Michael Chiaradonna, at 9:11 am EDT on April 18, 2005

While “free speech” may be an ideal, one is always not guaranteed a right to speak their mind in all forums without consequences. In general, the 1st amendment only applies to the federal and state (via the 14th amendment) governments, so, at best it only directly applies to state universities. (Accrediting bodies generally require some degree of academic freedom, but I will put that aside for now.)

Second, while there is a growing legal field of what constitutes bona fide academic discourse that is, to some extent, protected by the first amendment, before one goes down that road, one needs to ask themselves, “What am I being paid to do?” Sometimes people seem to take jobs that conflict with their basic ideas. So, if you really believe that the earth was created in five days, and disparage anyone who follows a theory of evolution, then perhaps you probably should consider not teaching biology. You can still think your thoughts about the way the world was created, and you are, of course, free to try and convince people of these things. However, academic fields are organized according to their basis assumptions, and if you don’t subscribe to one assumption you can go to another one. There is room for everyone (except of you are in the bottom 90% of the class, but these days, everyone I meet claims to be in the top 10%).

Third, I am getting the sense that what many people consider “censorship” is just a fear that they will lose the friends that they have spent the past few years cultivating. Since most professors spend their time forming alliances and breaking them, as do people involved in “politics” on the national scale, I don’t see why people are really that surprised that the might end up the loser in a political battle.

I have litigated a few campus “free speech” issues, and I feel passionately about the subject. However, in my experience, peoples’ claims can be divided into three categories:1) People who wish to frame a political dispute with other members of the faculty in terms of their constitutional rights. There may be a bona fide issue, but it requires more research into the nature of the relationship between the professor (or student) and their employer and what actually happened when. 2) Administrators (and sometimes faculty) who don’t really understand the law (or even their own institutions procedures) and violate peoples’ rights without understanding what they are doing. These problems are usually quickly remedied when cooler heads prevail. 3) Nuts who want to draw a paycheck while doing nothing that their job requires. Unfortunately, there are too many of these who turn up in the strangest of places.

Before you go about complaining about an issue, think of which category you are in, or want to be in.

Larry, at 3:23 pm EDT on April 19, 2005

Reply to Larry

Larry is quite right, of course. The law is designed to protect the authority of those in power to keep a close watch, suppress and censor, in order 1) to protect the structure of subordination; 2) protect their own interests; and 3) protect the interests of those on whom they rely.

Universities are places of systematic censorship, suppression and propaganda. They are not places of freedom. From time to time university bureaucrats how their fellow academics some latitude, but they watch these colleagues very closely and act against them, usually by bureaucratic means, when they begin to have an impact on public opinion, one way or another. Impact is deemed to be “crossing the line” — the line the authorities set. Non-academic university employees are shown no latitude, but punished for inquiring and expressing freely. Writers and editors who work for universities must check their brains and their freedom at work and, in fact, outside the workplace. No facts please, we’re a free society.

Needless to say, the situation is worse in government departments and in the private sector, where free inquiry and expression and entirely banned, with respect to the decision-making processes and operations of the institutions themselves.

Whereas in authoritarian states, censorship is centralized in the government, in democracies censorship is decentralized and vested in CEOs and boards of directors ... and Boards of Governors, Senates, Presidents, Deans, etc. etc. The bureaucrats deploy large numbers of publicists and marketers to manipulate opinion and to blunt and bowdlerize real journalism.

How can academics claim freedom of inquiry and expression for themselves when they deny it, very deliberately, to those who work for them?

The US enjoys insidehighered.com, the old Chronicle and a fairly good quality press that actually takes an interest in university affairs. Most other democracies have nothing comparable. For those who wish to write freely about universities, there is no where to publish and no way to make a living. Blogs are a step forward.... How will faculty members and university administrators set out to counter them, I wonder? Perhaps by setting up official blogs that retail puff and propaganda?

George, at 10:24 am EDT on April 20, 2005

What have you done for unpopular views today ?

George, it is worth nothing that “government bureaucrats” enjoy varying amounts of first amendment rights. The scope of these rights is somewhat nebulous, as government entities have an interest in speaking with a united front.

For example, although it can be argued that ethical rules that judges abide by restrain their expression (especially regrading pending cases), most members of the judiciary can say just about whatever they want with little real fear of retribution. (This holds true despite what some members of Congress are saying now. In fact, the rhetoric has probably generated more titters from judges then actual suppression.) So, judges and other judicial employees frequently publish both in journals and on blogs.

Two caveats: 1) it is the custom to make it clear that the “views expressed do not represent the views of the judiciary”; and 2) the first amendment does not guarantee judicial officers the right to make ruling that don’t comport with the law as found in the constitution, binding precedent and statutes, so a judge who wants to declare himself not to be bound by the Supreme Court should find another job.

The executive has taken somewhat of a harder line regarding blogs (but not, to my knowledge, not published papers). I am not going to go so far as to say this is for illegitimate purposes, as there is a legitimate concern that the views expressed in one blog might prevent, for example, a government lawyer from representing the government at trial. Indeed, government lawyers being human, are likely to run into all sorts of conflicts which might end up preventing them from representing the government. (E.g. owning stock in a company the government is suing; being a member of the Sierra Club, which often sues the government.) While maybe such a pronouncement is overbroad, I think that the executive has a legitimate concern. Again, employees of the executive are free to get other jobs.

I differ with George in thinking that the state of one’s First Amendment rights is “designed” to protect a culture of subordination. “It is what it is.” I don’t think that the framers (or the drafters of the 14th amendment) intended the First Amendment to suppress dissent within universities, but I might be wrong here as large universities were not unknown to a few of them. So, if anyone has evidence that Jefferson saw the constitution as a means to keep professors at UVA in line, please post.

Instead, the US and state constitutions provide a baseline for government behavior. By rights, governments should recognize more rights (and, in fact, they do.) Only in extreme cases of manifest ignorance do first amendment issues, based on unconstitutional rules in universities arise (as compared to the 4th amendment, where issues often turn on decisions taken by individual policemen in the heat of the moment).

Instead, all academics should be asking themselves “what have *I* done to help others express themselves.” But, how many of you have done that today? I am not referring just to“sexy” first amendment issues like the rights of women or letting a church group meet on campus. But, have you done your part to ensure that students can do “dirty” things like the view or produce pornography, or that janitors can demand to get paid more than your child, or that a graduate student can declare, without retribution, that your colleague (who you rely on as an ally in department wars) plagiarized on of his papers?

Larry, at 10:59 am EDT on April 20, 2005

Reply to Larry II

... Or that non-academic staff members can attend and report in print, for a large internal and external audience (without fear or favour) on what is said and decided at meetings of Boards of Governors and Senates and Faculty Councils, etc. And that outside reporters can do so too, without the ministrations of spinners and propagandists, without calls from the president to the publisher...

Unheard of. Our institutions (including our universities) are, in practice, off-limits to free inquiry. Go elsewhere? That’s the beauty of it. Elsewhere works the same way, by and large.

Academics suppress free inquiry and expression that touches their “internal” affairs. They dictate and censor. This inconsistency — the practice of university censorship and the punishment of miscreants — undermines arguments in favour of academic freedom. Academic freedom is a exceptional privilege — and a very precarious one. Just as academics deny it to others, so others are likely to be tempted to deny it to academics.

George, at 12:17 pm EDT on April 20, 2005

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