News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
June 19, 2007
The panel that advises the secretary of education on accreditation issues has grown increasingly controversial in recent months, as many college and accrediting officials have accused the Education Department of trying to use the committee to compel colleges and universities to collect and report more extensive data on student learning — without the need for new laws or federal rules.
Campus officials have looked to members of Congress to rein in the committee (and the department’s regulatory and other efforts on accreditation generally) as they consider legislation to renew the Higher Education Act. A bill that the U.S. Senate education committee plans to consider tomorrow would go one step further — jettisoning the advisory committee altogether.
The wide-ranging Higher Education Act measure released Monday by the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee (a copy of which can be found here) would replace the National Advisory Committee on Institutional Quality and Integrity (whose 15 members are all appointed by the education secretary, a point of recent contention) with a new panel that would have roughly comparable duties and powers.
Even its name would be similar: the Accreditation and Institutional Quality and Integrity Advisory Committee. The major change: of the new panel’s 15 members, five each would be appointed by the Education Department, the Senate, and the House of Representatives. The goal, said an aide to the Senate committee, is that the new committee would be “structured so that it’s a little more independent” of the Education Department.
But if college leaders were hoping that lawmakers’ recent criticism of the department’s aggressive tack on accreditation meant that they objected to the department’s overall goal — forcing colleges to more clearly prove that they are effectively educating students — they are likely to be disappointed by other elements of the Senate’s draft legislation.
The bill, as currently written, would require accreditors to ensure that colleges “use empirical evidence” and “external indicators” to show how they perform in areas such as student retention, course and program completion and graduation, state licensure and job placement (for work-related programs), and enrollment of students in graduate programs.
Many college officials and accreditors have balked at the Education Department’s efforts (through a just-completed negotiated rule making process) to force accreditors to compel colleges to measure such outcomes in quantitative ways, which they say could result in oversimplification. While the Senate language aims to give colleges significantly more flexibility than some of the Education Department’s proposals — recognizing the need for variation by type of institution and program, and for using external indicators “as appropriate” — on the whole the Senate’s current approach is meant to be “not inconsistent” with that of the department, according to Senate staff members.
The Senate bill would also endorse the Education Department’s approach to the other issue most hotly debated in the accreditation negotiating process: the way many colleges treat academic credits from students transferring from institutions that are nationally rather than regionally accredited.
The Senate legislation would require accreditors to ensure that the colleges they oversee do not deny the transfer of a student’s credit based solely on the accreditation status of the institution from which the student is transferring. That has been a top legislative priority of for-profit colleges, most of which are nationally accredited and many of which complain that colleges’ transfer policies discriminate against them. But many officials of nonprofit colleges have fought such a change previously, arguing that it would intrude on the most fundamental academic decisions of their institutions.
The accreditation language may be the most noteworthy aspect of the Senate bill to renew the Higher Education Act, in part because the measure released Monday is incomplete. Members of the Senate education committee are still negotiating over (and disagreeing on) perhaps the most significant elements of the legislative package: the “budget reconciliation” measure that contains provisions that would spend and save money.
That is where senators have some of their toughest and most contentious decisions to make, most notably how much to slash from the subsidies for student loan providers (the House of Representatives education committee approved a parallel budget reconciliation measure last week). Those decisions will influence how much money would be available to increase actual spending on Pell Grants and other student aid programs, among other things. (Late Monday, a deal was reportedly reached between Sens. Edward M. Kennedy and Michael B. Enzi, the Democratic chairman and senior Republican on the education panel, that would cut into lender profits less than a parallel bill in the House would. Details to follow.)
Senators are said to be sharply divided over how much less to cut the subsidies for nonprofit rather than for-profit loan providers, according to a Senate aide. Democrats and Republicans on the committee were continuing to negotiate into the evening Monday, with the hope of resolving that and other disputes so that the committee could consider fully bipartisan Higher Education Act and budget reconciliation bills Wednesday.
Even without the budget reconciliation legislation, college lobbyists and others had plenty to digest in the Senate’s Higher Education Act bill, which ran a full 534 pages and covered a huge amount of ground. Among many, many other things, the legislation would do the following:
The Senate’s budget reconciliation legislation could be released as soon as today, and the education panel is set to take up the entire package tomorrow.
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One would hope that the Congress would use this historic moment to completely overhaul the accreditation process. The current system of utilizing six non-governmental accrediting agencies, which have no real enforcement power and whose criteria for accreditation are vague and inconsistent, fails to assure quality and accountability. Except in extreme cases, institutions suffer no consequence for their poor performance. This may account for the fact that few college/university administrators take the accreditation process seriously. The Congress should consider centralizing the accreditation process and create a system that applies relevant and measurable criteria to all aspects of higher education so that prospective students and their parents can meaningfully assess the quality of an institution.
In Support of change, at 10:50 am EDT on June 19, 2007
Despite the fact that Congress does nothing when the price of gasoline doubles without explanation (and no gas stations offer grants or scholarships to help you pay for it), it seems as though we’ve come to accept the fact that some type of Federal intervention on college prices is coming. Do all colleges do everything they can to hold down and/or explain costs? Certainly not, so there is work to be done. I’m not sure I have the answer, but a Federal list of “bad colleges” is not the way to get this done.
Once you get into percentage increases instead of real dollars and “among peer” types of comparisons, you’ve opened the door to all kinds of misleading information, statistical interpretations and spin doctoring. Let’s focus instead on making colleges really educate everyone (including themselves) on why they charge what they charge...and perhaps some lightbulbs (hopefully the money-saving kind, purchased in bulk jointly with the college in the next town) will appear over some heads and colleges will start rethinking state-of-the-art rock climbing walls, lobster in the dining hall, 50% tuition discount rates, overpaid Presidents and coaches, etc.
What’s in the Senate bill about college costs is nothing more than grandstanding, taking the simple way out, and will not improve anything. Higher ed groups should oppose it, but offer solutions that will help solve this problem. Otherwise, we’ll return to the day when only the rich could go to college, no matter how high they set the maximum Pell Grant.
DS, at 11:45 am EDT on June 19, 2007
Potential improvements not withstanding, if it looks like/smells like a further attempt at increasing the federal hold over of higher education, then that is probably what it is. We should be skeptical of these recommendations. Not all colleges serve an identical student body, with identical preparation or capabilities.
This will simply become a game of manipulating the data to fit the criteria and in many instances the creation of local policies that will manipulate it for them (enrollemnt numbers, add/drops to facilitate “success"). The pressures on public secondary school to comply with NCLB have proven this. Urban school districts that maintain unsuccessful students as freshmen for 3-4 years before they drop out is an example of this approach. The data shows state exit exams are being dumbed down, which is going to lead to a less prepared college student, which will make our institutions retention numbers decrease (unless we too water down the requirements), which will then make our insitutions look less worthy to this student-as-consumer approach.
And then, when will we have collected enough numbers? The numbers game can do nothing but continue until we measure the number of characters in a syllabus to the success rate of the student.
Where is student responsibility, aka individual liberty, going to be included in this numbers racket?
CW, at 2:50 am EDT on June 20, 2007
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Input is Suspect
A mere change in the name and how the members of the National Advisory Committee on Institutional Quality and Integrity are selected is not enough. The public deserves quality input to the Committee from all sources on who should teach what and why.
For example, no organized religion may own or operate an American law school.
There is so much to do. Education must generate freedom of thought and opportunity to achieve. The entire method used to accept input and generate output from the NACIQI must be overhauled. It now operates in the dark ages with this present administration when it comes to analysis and suggested reforms.
William Sumner Scott, J.D. Judicial Equality Foundation, Inc.wss@jefound.org
William Sumner Scott, J.D., at 8:20 am EDT on June 19, 2007