News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
April 27, 2007
As expected, a committee negotiating possible changes to federal rules governing accreditation ended its third and (probably) final meeting Thursday with its members deeply divided on several key issues. The deadlock means that the U.S. Education Department can push ahead with essentially whatever changes it wants.
But in a twist that could not have been foreseen, the significant contention and tension underlying the entire several-month negotiation process took on a new intensity Thursday, with the revelation of a disputed telephone call that some college officials interpreted as an attempt by Education Department officials to intimidate the panel’s main dissenting negotiator.
Since February, the federal rule making panel has wrestled with proposals from the Education Department that were widely seen as seeking to fundamentally alter the relationship between the federal government and accreditors and between accreditors and colleges — and hence, by the transitive property, between the government and colleges.
Exactly how is a complicated tale (which you can read more about here and here). But at its core, the department, in carrying out the work of the Secretary of Education’s Commission on the Future of Higher Education, has pushed accreditors themselves to set minimum standards for the performance of the colleges they oversee, most notably on how much their students learn. Such a change is necessary, department officials have argued, to satisfy the public’s need for a better and clearer sense of how effective higher education is.
Many college officials and accreditors, especially those that monitor nonprofit public and private colleges and professional schools, have responded that such an approach would essentially set explicit federal standards for what counts as quality at institutions, representing an unprecedented level of federal intrusion in academic policy making and altering the traditional role of accreditation as one of self-governance aimed at institutional improvement.
In three meetings over three months, the negotiators crept closer to a middle ground on the learning outcomes issue and others before them, but significant divisions remained. And one particularly contentious debate Wednesday resulted in the remarkable turn of events that unfolded Thursday.
Reaching Out or Applying Pressure?
During Wednesday’s debate, Judith S. Eaton cast the sole vote against a compromise proposal that would have required accreditors to ensure that the colleges and programs they oversee do not discriminate in their transfer policies against academic credits of students from nationally (rather than regionally) accredited institutions. Because the guidelines governing such negotiating processes dictate that a single negative vote dooms agreement by the panel, Eaton’s dissent had a big impact on a measure about which department officials cared deeply.
And not only department officials: The transfer of credit issue has been the top priority for the numerous national accreditors and some of the for-profit college officials on the negotiating panel, and they were furious at Eaton Wednesday because they believed she had misled them into thinking she had signed off on the plan.
Wednesday evening, Eaton, who is president of the Council for Higher Education Accreditation, which recognizes both regional and national accreditors, received an e-mail message from the lead federal negotiator, Vickie L. Schray, inviting Eaton to call her. Eaton did, and over the course of the 15-minute call, Schray reminded Eaton three times that if her stance on the transfer of credit issue had put her in an uncomfortable position with the for-profit members of her group or left her feeling “boxed in,” she had several options under federal negotiating guidelines: stick to her guns, change her vote or resign from the panel.
Eaton revealed the phone call Thursday morning during a private session held by the “non-federal negotiators” (which included all members of the panel except for Schray and other department officials), and reports quickly leaked out to the public and the press that Schray had asked Eaton to resign. When approached by reporters, Schray insisted that the report was inaccurate, adding, “I never asked her that.”
When the negotiating committee reconvened in open session late Thursday morning, Schray said she felt the “need to clarify this publicly,” to ensure there was “no misinformation” about her purposes. Schray had made the call, she said, because after Wednesday’s session, she and other department officials had noted the “anger” being directed at Eaton for her vote on the transfer of credit issue, and “in all honesty, we were very concerned by how distressed” Eaton seemed to be.
Schray added in an interview after the meeting that because Eaton had asked numerous questions Tuesday about what negotiators’ rights and responsibilities were when it came to voting on (and dissenting from) various proposals, Schray had thought Eaton “seemed confused about what her options were.” Schray called Eaton as a “favor” to a colleague she respects, she said.
The Education Department official insisted, both in her public explanation and in the interview afterwards, that while she had mentioned the possibility of resigning during the call, she had told Eaton “at least three times” that she was not “suggesting or encouraging” her to do so. “It was just to let her know what her options were.” (Schray and another department official, David Bergeron, said in the interview that department officials had made a similar call to a participant in a recent negotiation over federal grant programs who was “in a difficult situation and seemed to need advice.”)
After Schray told negotiators about her take on the call, Eaton characterized the conversation somewhat differently.
Schray, Eaton said, “spoke about the importance of [reaching] consensus and the need for agreement” by the panel, and “also indicated that resignation was an option.” Eaton said she had had been “surprised” and “startled” by Schray’s multiple references to resignation, because she was not upset as Schray seemed to presume she was. Eaton did not directly challenge Schray’s assertion that the federal official had not asked her to resign, and declined further comment on, or characterization of, Schray’s purpose in making the call.
But some of the other negotiators around the table expressed concerns of their own, though in the mostly polite tones that have characterized the negotiations throughout. Susan Zlotlow, a negotiator who is director of the American Psychological Association’s Office of Program Consultation and Accreditation, said the situation had left her — as an accreditor whose agency would be coming before the department for recognition — with the “implication that if we’re doing something that the department doesn’t like here, that maybe we should resign at this point.” (Schray insisted that nothing of the sort would happen: “This is not punitive. We are negotiating in good faith here.”)
Paula Peinovich, president of Walden University and another negotiator, told Schray that if the department was worried that panel members did not realize that they had multiple options for expressing their views, “that kind of information would have probably have been beneficial to all of us, in a group, rather than singling out individuals.”
Other observers, including college officials who have been closely following the work of the negotiating panel, offered a harsher assessment.
“This is either an unprecedented concern with the emotional well-being of an individual negotiator or an unprecedented effort to get a negotiator to jump overboard so that they can claim consensus,” said Terry W. Hartle, senior vice president for government and public affairs at the American Council on Education. “Given the department’s impatience with those who disagree with them, most people will assume that they were trying to get rid of a critic. The department may not have intended this to seem like intimidation, but it sure feels like it.”
Schray said she was “disappointed with how [the call] has been characterized,” and said she wanted the group to continue to negotiate in good faith.
But by the time negotiations continued after lunch Thursday, panel members, having already reached “tentative agreement” on a relatively small number of less-controversial issues, were left with several thorny ones that have proved vexing, most notably a set of proposals to alter the federal government’s process of recognizing accreditors (in ways that most of the negotiators feel would leave them little due process) and the granddaddy of the issues before the panel: changes in their obligations in measuring and reporting student learning.
Although department officials gave significant ground on the learning outcomes proposal in the panel’s preceding meetings and the first two days of this one — eliminating the requirement that accreditors directly set minimum, “bright line” standards for colleges’ vocational and other baccalaureate and first professional programs that lead directly to jobs, for instance — when the negotiators were finally polled to see whether the group could reach “tentative agreement” on it, two hands went up in dissent.
One belonged to Zlotlow of the psychological association, who said that even as reworked, the proposal would “shift how higher education has operated, how institutions have operated,” by forcing an accreditor to evaluate whether the institutions it oversees have performed acceptably, and then putting the government in a position to “evaluate whether it likes the levels set by the accreditor.”
The only other dissenter: Eaton, who raised her hand in opposition Thursday just as she had Wednesday.
Moments later, after a broader group of negotiators had expressed their discomfort with the department’s proposal on due process guidelines, Schray announced that given the lack of agreement on multiple issues, the department considered the panel to be at an impasse and called for adjournment. Although several negotiators then suggested that the panel members hold a fourth meeting to try to hammer out agreement, and department officials said they would consider the idea, the steam seemed to have gone out of the process.
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Watch out when you hear a federal official speak the words, “Not punitive.” Being placed on reimbursement, or being required to come up with an impossibly high letter of credit, have also been characterized that way.
I can remember when any college facing loss of Title IV federal student aid would get notice and an opportunity for a hearing before an administrative judge. That still happens sometimes, but more often, the feds do a program review right when the school is up for re-certification, find what they think are problems, and then just refuse to re-certify the school. No due process; just “Bye-bye.”
. . . . . .
I have not followed negotiated rule-making very closely as a general matter, but it looks like the process works like this:
1. The Department of Education decides what it wants to do.
2. The Department convenes a panel of supplicants and tells them what it wants to do.
3. The supplicants either agree to it, or not.
4. The Department then proceeds to implement #1 above.
Is that about right?
Glenn Bogart, at 8:50 am EDT on April 27, 2007
I’d far rather deal with “the tremendous power of the accrediting guilds” that with the tremendous power of the DOE & this incompetent administration, for whom “accountability” involves increased use of standardized tests & the most banal sort of academic bean counting. At least representatives of the “guilds” come to campus to see what’s going on, rather than issuing decrees from on high.
Joseph Duemer, Professor at Clarksonb University, at 9:05 am EDT on April 27, 2007
Dissent in the ranks is normally healthy. For years, there has been no public comment from the National Advisory Committee on Institutional Quality and Integrity or the staff that handle their actions.
Presentations to it have long been given up by most or denied by staff. Once in a while it picks a goat to slaughter — so is it a collection of useful idiots?
Having said all of that, where does it fit in this picture? The public has spent time and money under the belief that it has knowledge the Secretary can use in her presentation to Congress. And, if it doesn’t, when will the Secretary put in a NACIQI that will properly function?
William Sumner Scott, J.D.
Judicial Equality Foundation, Inc.
William Sumner Scott, J.D., at 9:15 am EDT on April 27, 2007
As a former ED employee (27 years to last September 30 who gave the Department 20 research monographs and reference books on higher education, built 3 of its national longitudinal data sets, and did goodness-knows-whatever-else, including higher ed regulations negotiations over that time), I would be pleased to testify to what this bunch will do when it wants you to resign. This is not the place, but if anyone asks. . . . By custom-and-usage, when people formally retire from ED service, they send you a framed appreciation, signed by the Secretary. While I don’t place much stock in such tokens, it’s protocol—and this bunch didn’t even say good-bye in that or any other way. In a kind speculation, maybe their mothers never taught them manners.
Clifford Adelman, Senior Associate at Institute for Higher Education Policy, at 9:50 am EDT on April 27, 2007
Different process of course, but this phone call has the sound and feel of jury tampering. Hard to believe that even the Bush Department of Education would sink to these tactics, but they have. And I thought they would have been too busy checking the price of their Sallie Mae stock.
Hopefully Congress will fight back and negate the narrow “one size fits all” approach this Secretary likes to apply to issues she doesn’t understand. It’s clear to me that the primary motivation on ED’s part is to weed out low graduation rate schools from Title IV programs that they think cost too much money. She won’t be successful, because if she was, most Americans would find themselves living more than 500 miles from the nearest community college.
DS, at 9:55 am EDT on April 27, 2007
Like David Ward’s withholding his signature from the final report of the Commission on the Future of Higher Education, Judith Eaton has shown courage that is increasingly rare among the leaders of higher education. Clearly she has taken a significant risk and displeased the current administration. If the past is prologue to the future, this administration, as others before, is likely to change the ground rules to achieve their desired outcome. As the clock winds down on virtually all administrations, they become more and more desperate to secure their legacy.
James H. Finkelstein, Senior Associate Dean at School of Public Policy, George Mason University, at 11:15 am EDT on April 27, 2007
The fact that Judith Eaton has a spine is apparently a felony in the eyes of the Department of Education. Why have the feds mistaken her for some third-string bureaucrat?
I don’t know Vicki Schray so I don’t know whether she means well or not. Nonetheless, the Department of Education seems to be using the same Cheneyism that other federal departments and staff use: always attack, never discuss and treat civil disagreement as enemy action. This does not serve the nation well.
If just one major accreditor declined to discuss these issues with the feds, or even better, declined to reapply for recognition, the department’s false front would collapse with astonishing speed. States such as mine that rely on federally-recognized accreditation would simply switch to CHEA-recognized accreditation. The feds are unnecessary.
Alan Contreras, State of Oregon, at 12:20 pm EDT on April 27, 2007
My employer and I have an understanding. I choose to work for them and they choose to let me...they recognize the fact that I do and they subsidize me for it. It’s their choice on how to measure how well I do what I do for them because why? The recognition that they give me i.e.; pay and benefits. If they want me to change my processes I absolutely will. If they want to be more strict in their evaluations of me, I will absolutely accept it. If “issues” come up that I don’t like, it is my option to leave. If I leave, I know that the relationship is terminated, as is the “recognition". I understand this because I understand the necessity of the relationship that we have (superior/subordinate ). Why are the Regional Accreditors having such a rough time with this? They are the “standard". Surely they get it (when no one else will). I don’t even see why the DOE is being so accomodating with them. They should just set the standard and if the RA schools don’t like it...then we’d get an opportunity to 1. see how they like not being “recognized” and 2. see if they’ll change their “RA or no way” stance.
BDev, at 11:15 pm EDT on April 27, 2007
CHEA recognition carries the weight it does because it is recognized by the DOE. You see what I mean about understanding your role in the “relationship"? “Golden standard"? Maybe we should change the standard over to silver.
BDev, Student, at 11:15 pm EDT on April 27, 2007
To use an old expression, the universities feed at the public teat. They can only ignore the USDOE at their peril.
Having the universities argue against standards in education has to be the most bizarre case of self interest seen in a while.
Alan Contreras’s contention that accreditation might simply shift to CHEA from the USDOE is interesting from the point of view that CHEA doesn’t write checks and also exists at the whim of the federal government.
What could possibly be wrong with setting standards in education, stopping illiterates from graduating and proving that a degree isn’t a birthright?
Dennis Ruhl, at 10:00 pm EDT on April 29, 2007
The problem isn’t setting standards, and I think most universities and colleges do that. The problem is allowing the government or anyone else to set up strings of standardized tests (and other impersonal means) to reinforce those standards. You can’t pick up a journal on higher education these days without encountering abundant evidence that standardized tests are not the way to go. For that matter, a very real problem involves funding and teacher-training in secondary education. If the Bush administration wants to educate the country’s youth, they should spend more time re-tooling the NCLB Act. This is only the opinion of a grad student, though.
Brian Ray, Mr. at University of South Carolina, at 5:50 pm EDT on May 11, 2007
Learning — Teaching — Testing — Universities
This whole issue as presented here has pushed my thinking about the USOE, invasive assessment testing, funding based on “accrediting groups” with a mission of running an assessment process, learner outcomes.... Clearing out an old file a discovery was made. “Forbes” magazine (Nov 1, 2004) presented an interesting column exploring, “Why, if it’s illegal to discriminate against medical students who are slow readers, is it not illegal to discriminate against the ones who are slow learners?” The column by Virginia Postrel may be of interest. (http://www.forbes.com/forbes/2004/1101/134_print.html)
Jerry Brong, part-time semi-retired instructor at Walden University, at 9:50 am EDT on May 16, 2007
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Eaton on Way out?
This controversy highlights the enormous power of the accrediting guilds, and the sad fact that self-regulation means no regulation, resulting in the empty “process” standards that we now have in higher education.
The present dynamics are very similar to the imposition of the state program review entities (SPREs) that were part of the 1992 amendments of the Higher Education Act (HEA), which governs the flow of Title IV monies.
In what amounted to an unprecedented “pushback” by the accreditors and their institutions, the provision for the state-level oversight entities was soon repealed by Congress.
Although the dissolution of the SPREs was a tremendous success for the accrediting guilds and their members, it came with a tremendous cost, the withdrawl of support and collapse of COPA (the predecessor to CHEA). Should the changes proposed by the Department of Education go through, the guilds themselves may construe this as a failure of leadership on the part of CHEA, mirroring their response in 1993.
The fury unleashed against Judy Eaton may presage the beginning of the end of her beleaguered tenure. If history is to serve as a guide, then, the multiple-cross cutting tensions focused on Eaton and her unfavorable stance will only mount.
Glen S. McGhee, Dir., at Florida Higher Education Accountability Project, at 8:40 am EDT on April 27, 2007