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Rethinking Racial Classifications

An Education Department plan to change the way colleges collect and report data on their students’ racial and ethnic backgrounds is attracting growing criticism.

Opposition is coming from a group that represents some of the most elite private colleges in the country — as well as from officials of large, diverse public universities. Among the concerns being raised is that the plan will treat Hispanic students differently from other groups, that new approaches to counting students of multiple races and ethnicities could result in the false appearance that some colleges are less diverse than they are, and that the plan would be confusing and inconsistent. Among education groups, those that focus on Hispanic issues are more likely to favor the proposal, but some predict that the new system would appear to depress Hispanic enrollments as well.

When the Education Department’s plan was released in August, many educators assumed that it was largely a done deal, and that the department had relatively little ability to change its approach. But as time has passed, more have become convinced that the department can and should alter the guidance for colleges. Officially, the department is saying only that it is considering comments it has received, and that most of those comments are favorable. But the department has also been holding meetings with some critics — some of them members of Congress — and some people familiar with those discussions said privately that they believed real changes were a possibility.

The debate is the latest twist in a process that dates to 1997, when the White House Office of Management and Budget released directives to all federal agencies about how to update the way they collect certain demographic data. Many educators and advocates for minority students have said for years that the current system doesn’t reflect the realities of the way many students view themselves. Under the current system, students must check a single box — something that many people of mixed racial and ethnic backgrounds find uncomfortable or insensitive. (The current system relates to federal reporting; many colleges have already started using different systems to reflect changing demographics.)

The system proposed by the department in August would do the following:

Colleges would ask students first if they are Latino or Hispanic, with just a yes/no answer. Then the second question would provide a choice of races: American Indian, Asian, African American, Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, or white. Because Latino students identify with multiple racial groups (or none), their total numbers would be clear by the first question, but they would not be restricted in how they want to identify themselves. Students would be able to check multiple boxes in answering the second question and all who checked more than one would be reported as “two or more races,” not in the boxes that they checked.

One of the key areas of disagreement is whether the two-question format (one focused on Hispanic status and one on any status) is an improvement. Critics note that there may have been a need for such a format when the department was forcing students to pick a single box, but question why it would be needed when that requirement is disappearing.

C. Anthony Broh, director of research policy for the Consortium on Financing Higher Education, a group of 31 elite private colleges, sent a detailed letter to the department with numerous objections to the two-question system. He said that there is no evidence that this approach yields more accurate information and that research from the National Academy of Sciences has found that a two-question format is particularly confusing to the younger Hispanic population — the group that would be filling out these forms.

Broh also raised more philosophical objections. He noted that under the system proposed by the Education Department, someone who identified as Hispanic and black would be assured that the Hispanic part of her identity counted (in the answer to the first question). But someone who identified as Native American and white, for example, would turn up in the two or more category, with no indication that someone with Native American identity existed at the college. (In fact, one concern of many college officials is that because so many Native American students do not have exclusively Native American grandparents, many institutions could see their Native American enrollment figures — already small — disappear into the mixed background category. And a Native American student looking for colleges with at least a 1 percent population of people from that background might rule out institutions that have many students proud of and engaged in their heritage, but who suddenly wouldn’t count in some official way.)

Why, Broh asked, is it fair for some minority populations to be decimated (in a statistical sense) but not others? “Philosophically, this format says, ‘we care more if you indicate that you are Hispanic than if you indicate you are black or American Indian, etc.’ ” he wrote to the department. “Separating the identities of Hispanics from other groups is a visual statement that groups are not treated equally in higher education.”

The institutions that belong to COFHE, Broh’s organization, include Ivy League universities and top liberal arts colleges, many of them in the Northeast. But his analysis is largely shared by experts on student demographics who deal with very different populations.

The California State University System, for example, which has a large and growing Latino population, doesn’t want to use the two-question format either. Marsha Hirano-Nakanishi, assistant vice chancellor for academic research and resources for the system, said two questions aren’t needed and that there is no evidence that asking the racial/ethnic identity question once isn’t the best system. She said that the system devised by the Education Department “might have been fine for the Department of Commerce” in its data gathering, but that education is different, in that information is collected from students, who need straightforward instructions that also give them appropriate choices that reflect their identities.

And that leads to another major criticism. The draft guidance was created in part to reflect the reality that many students don’t have an identity that fits neatly into one box. But many educators argue that when students find out that they are going into a “two or more” category, they are having their identity robbed because they are made generic in terms of ethnicity.

Hirano-Nakanishi doesn’t want to be forced by the department to report on students in that way. She wants to first ask students what their race and ethnicity is, giving them the option of checking multiple boxes. Then she wants to ask students if they have a preference of being identified in a particular way. So a student with a strong ethnic or racial identity can answer the first question completely but also show up statistically in the way that reflects that person’s actual life. Hirano-Nakanishi is totally fine with reporting some students as being from mixed backgrounds — if that’s what they want — but she noted that many students do not want that.

“We want to respect the individual,” she said. “If you bother to ask them what they are, and then ignore them, it seems less respectful.”

Other colleges want the right to continue to use a system called “trumping” for reporting students of multiple races and ethnicities. This system assigns people to an individual category in various ways. Some colleges trump “small,” so the group with the smallest population counts the mixed-background student. Others trump “black,” meaning that students who are part black count as black — a system that may be used by colleges facing scrutiny over their ability to attract black students.

Broh says that colleges should be able to trump — as many have done in the past for their own reporting — in a way appropriate to their institutional needs, provided that they make whatever system they use public. (Broh also favors giving students an open response question so that they could describe themselves, and those answers might trump other trumping assumptions.)

Some Hispanic groups have liked parts of the system proposed by the Education Department. Officials with both the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities and Excelencia in Education said that they did not think that the two-question system was problematic. Deborah A. Santiago, vice president for policy and research at Excelencia, said that combining Hispanic status with racial issues can confuse some Latino students because “for many this is an ethnicity issue and not a race issue.” She added that she did not understand why others were “making such a big issue” of these concerns.

But anger about the proposed system is so strong that even the Mavin Foundation — a group that is an advocate for people of multiple ethnicities and that had been pushing the Education Department to abandon its traditional “pick one box” approach — has come out against the department’s plan. Mavin signed on to a joint letter with other civil rights groups expressing “deep concern” about the proposal.

Numerous other groups are also calling on the department to rethink its approach.

The Civil Rights Project at Harvard University, for example, has released a report suggesting that the new system would make it “extremely difficult, and sometimes impossible, to conduct meaningful research or monitor civil rights compliance and educational accountability for students by race and ethnicity.”

A spokesman for the Education Department said that officials there were not yet ready to issue final guidelines, but suggested that the department isn’t ready to back away from its draft yet, either. The spokesman said that more than 170 responses have been sent to the department, with the “greatest number” coming from those who “strongly supported” the proposal to allow students to pick more than one race. (While many of the critics object to how the department would do that, they do not object to the idea of letting students do so, and generally applaud that.)

The spokesman added that none of those who did raise objections had raised “any issues that were not thoroughly addressed in the 1990s” when OMB took up the issue of updating data collection on race and ethnicity. “There were a handful of organizations (some representing other organizations) who took a negative view of the proposed guidance,” the spokesman said. “They mostly re-introduced issues addressed and decided by OMB a decade ago.”

Scott Jaschik

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THE CLASSIFICATION OF AMERICANS BY RACE AND ETHNICITY MUST END

The Racial and Ethnic classification of Americans is nothing more than institutionalized racism and must be ended. The United States of America has been known as a country of rugged individualism based on individual freedom and liberty. Why has America become a country obsessed with classifying its citizens into different racial and ethnic sub-groups?

The only groups that actively support the continued collection of racial and ethnic data are big government bureaucrats and “racial and ethnic special interest groups” that also happen to receive significant funding from the federal government. These organizations argue that identifying people by race and ethnicity is necessary in order to redress some past injustice and that the federal government must continue to collect and use this information in order to set up special racial and ethnic programs, affirmative action quotas and other set-asides for these groups, some of whom consist of new immigrants, illegal aliens and non-citizens. Nothing can be further from the truth. In a country where we can no longer ask people what religion they are, what their party affiliation is or what their sexual orientation is, why are we still asking them about their racial and ethnic background?

Americans are beginning to realize that racial and ethnic identification is more a matter of personal choice than anything else. In the 2000 Census, seven million American citizens refused to place themselves into a single category by refusing to describe themselves as only white, black, Asian, Latino or any one of the other specific categories listed, because they were of mixed race. Attempts by the government to create a “mixed race” box for the 2000 Census was met with resistance by racial and ethnic special interest groups like the NAACP and the National Council of La Raza, because they feared that a mixed-race box could pose a danger to the justification for their existence. The fuzzier such racial and ethnic categories become, the harder it will be for these racial and ethnic special interest groups and the government to traffic in them. If a mixed-race category were to be added, every brown-skinned person of mixed race registered in this category would shrink the government’s official count of Blacks, Latinos, Asians or American Indians, eventually reducing their political influence and ultimately the amount of money these groups receive from the federal government, which amounts to approximately $185 billion a year.

Through the mandated collection and use of racial and ethnic specific information, more and more of American taxpayers’ hard earned money is being routinely distributed to these racial and ethnic special interest groups at the expense of all other Americans who may or may not be members of these groups. Through executive orders, congressional legislation, affirmative action programs, racial set-asides, quotas and other programs based solely on race and ethnicity, our federal government is playing the key role that pits one racial and ethnic group against another, which could eventually lead to our destruction as a country.

Rather than helping a diverse population become assimilated and united as one nation, the Federal government is doing what the Nazi government of Germany did in the 1930’s and 40’s; creating government supported institutionalized racism by the intentional classification of it’s citizens by race and ethnicity.

With the support of racial and ethnic special interest groups, our federal government seems to view our citizens not just as Americans, but rather as “pawns” in some social science experiment to be classified and separated into different racial or ethnic sub-groups for some unknown purpose. By mandating the classification of Americans into specific racial and ethnic sub-groups, the federal government and the advocates of “diversity” are actually perpetuating institutionalized racism and keeping Americans divided. Maybe the real purpose of collecting this data is to justify the continuing flow of government money to these racial and ethnic special interest groups.

If we want to help poor Americans escape poverty, get better health care, find a job or get a good education, why should it matter what their race or ethnic background is? The answer is: It should not! Americans need to come together as members of one country and remember that we are all individual Americans, regardless of race or ethnic background. Martin Luther King, Jr., inspired a nation when he voiced his dream for a color-blind nation, a nation in which people would be judged by the content of their characters, “not the color of their skin.” The answer to this government encouraged racism is the concept of Liberty with a limited, constitutional government that is devoted to the protection of individual rights rather than the claims of different racial and ethnic special interest groups. Where Liberty is present, individual achievement and competence are rewarded, not people’s skin color or ethnicity.

I will support legislation barring the federal government from the collection of racial and ethnic information about the American people and/or the classification of American citizens by race and ethnicity, including the collection of census information. Exceptions should be made for law enforcement, hospitals and medical research purposes.

I will also support legislation that bans affirmative action programs, racial set-asides, quotas and any other programs that give special preferences based on race and ethnicity.

By: JOHN W. WALLACE Candidate for Congress New York’s 20th Congressional Districtwww.FreedomCandidate.com

John Wallace, at 3:15 pm EDT on May 5, 2008

Rethinking Racial Classifications

This piece, perhaps unintentionally, highlights the problems with our current approach to “race” in the US.

As any anthropologist will tell you, the concept is primarily a political and social construct. And as most educators will probably admit, knowing someone’s “race” (however that might be defined, or by whom) won’t enable you to predict very much about them. We’re one of the few countries in the world that categorizes people in such a complex way, sometimes inviting uncomfortable historical comparisons with South Africa or Nazi Germany.

What we don’t do — and apparently won’t do — is focus on the characteristic that really matters these days, which is class, not race. Class issues are the ones that need to be resolved for us to move forward, in education and many other sectors, but it also seems to be a word — and a concept — that is totally out of bounds for discussion. Think back to when Bush’s tax cuts were being introduced. Objections were quickly quashed by being labelled as incitements to “class warfare.”

But I fear that until we begin to talk about class in American society today, and how class plays itself out in our higher education system, we will continue to collect essentially meaningless data, and put people into categories that serve little useful purpose.

Riall W. Nolan, Dean of International Programs at Purdue University, at 9:05 am EST on December 6, 2006

Why?

I fear we are moving even farther from realizing Dr. M. L. King’s dream. Also, data should be collected to answer a question. What’s the question, again?

DS, at 10:01 am EST on December 6, 2006

Dean Nolan says that “race” is a fuzzy social and political concept that doesn’t tell us what we want to know. Instead, we should consider “class” in admissions and other realms. Well, pray tell, what is “class"? My parents’ occupations? Their incomes? Their education? My neighborhood? My consumption habits? My aspirations? If race isn’t scientific and predictive and worth heeding, what makes us think that social class is? Will the government start keeping track of class the way it keeps track of race? Our mistake is classifying individuals in the first place and treating them as if they were actually members of these artificial categories. Categorizing is inevitable and perhaps harmless when we’re trying to generalize about populations, but these oversimplifications should never become overt policies. Treating categories seriously is perhaps the most harmful thing that schools or governments can do. The results range from regrettable to wretched. I insist that I be treated as “me,” not as one of “them,” whoever “they” are.Michael

Michael Barton, at 1:00 pm EST on December 6, 2006

Identity?

I find the interchangeable use of the term ‘identity’ and ‘race’ to be confusing in this piece. I’m struck by the premise that a person might be inclined to endorse a specific racial identity for questionable purposes. Enter Michael Richards (Kramer) as a self-reported Jew. Or, alternately someone thinking that an endorsement of Native American might be financially advantageous. Conversely, as far as I’m aware, a number of Caucasians will deliberately leave any such requested self-report information about race blank in hopes that it won’t impair their admission into a college of choice.

Following claims for the need for diversity, I wonder, is there a reason why we might not consider collecting data on sexual orientation with the same objective—increasing diversity. Why is there a stigma against ‘identity’ say, as in gender identity, when someone identifies with a socially unpopular group, as in transgendered? Is it because there isn’t any preferential funding available (yet)? As someone has already commented and Wikipedia notes, ethnicity is when members of a group “identify with each other, usually on the basis of a presumed common genealogy or ancestry (Smith, 1986). Recognition by others as a separate ethnic group, and a specific name for the group, also contribute to defining it

Likewise, “the concept of ethnicity is rooted in the idea of social groups, marked especially by shared nationality, tribal affiliation, genealogy, religious faith, language, or cultural and traditional origins, whereas race is rooted in the idea of a biological classification of Homo sapiens according to chosen genotypic and/or phenotypic traits” I fail to see how the current proposal improves on data collection or does anything other than compound and confound the problems we already have with such data as collected.

I can’t help but wonder what the funding benefits would be or how a self-identified multi-racial self is helpful except in an abstract sense. I spoke with others today about the option of endorsing multiple races. “Isn’t that just being an American?—a descendent of combined yet varying genetic sources,” was a common retort to my question. Isn’t this multiplicity merely evidence of the “melting pot.” As one commentator mentioned this morning on NPR regarding the post 9/11 heightened security at US airports, it was his opinion that these security antics reflected “the theatre of security” in an effort to make people feel safe, when in fact Americans are no safer than before. I can’t help but wonder if this effort to refine our measure of race, presumably in the promotion of increased ‘diversity’ is aptly viewed along the lines of being merely the “theatre of diversity”?

Indiana Jones, at 9:16 pm EST on December 6, 2006

Racial Classification?

Most people want to identify with a group, be it racial, social or professional, it gives a sense of belonging. However, the motives behind the collection of some the data’s are questionable. One group will always benefit over the others. Class could even be a more sensitive issue than race. If used it will divide people within their own race. We don’t want to go there.

Dr. K., at 9:30 am EST on December 11, 2006

The whole system of classification of people by race, color, ethnicity, etc., is distasteful to me—and in reality, is impossible to do. You might be able to count people who identify themselves with a certain group, but what are they really? Many people do not even know their true and complete heritage, either by virtue of adoption, illegitimate birth, unknown fathers, etc. in their family history—and I would wager that if people looked back far enough in their family’s history, there would certainly be some blurred bloodlines.

And how do you classify someone like the beautiful movie star Salma Hayek? Is she Hispanic, or Arabic, or Caucasian? Coming from a mixed ethnic background myself, with nieces and nephews in college or approacking college aid with even more mixed backgrounds, yet all are part of the same family, it seems ridiculous to try to count them into some mutually-exclusive categories.

DDonaldson, at 6:20 pm EST on December 11, 2006

Increase over the top

Instead of looking for ways to increase racial and ethnic classifications, we should be looking for ways to decrease. Since these classifications only exist for political purposes, only two would be needed for racial federal reporting: “Self-reported need for protection (SNP)” & “Self-reported no need for protection (SNNP)".Dr. C.

Dr. Sharon Cranford, Director of Diversity at Hesston, at 2:15 pm EST on December 12, 2006

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