News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
April 13, 2006
Why do female professors earn less than male professors? Some charge that gender bias is at play, while others insist that once factors such as experience are accounted for, the gaps aren’t consequential.
There may be truth to both views, according to research findings presented this week at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association by Paul D. Umbach, an assistant professor of higher education at the University of Iowa. Umbach used a series of databases to calculate the gender gap in pay over all, and then to account for all kinds of factors other than gender bias that may contribute to the salary gap. In the end, he found that looking at those factors decreases the size of the gap, but that it remains meaningful.
Leaving all factors out, the mean salary for women in the professoriate was 21.8 percent less than that for men. Add all the possible explanations and their impact, and the gap shrinks to 6.8 percent.
While that is much smaller than the original figure, Umbach stressed that the gap matters — especially since it persists after all the other explanations have been accounted for. “It’s still substantial and it’s still unexplained,” he said.
Umbach based his analysis on a dataset of 2,758 faculty members from 79 disciplines who reported information about themselves in the 1999 National Study of Postsecondary Faculty. He focused only on research universities and on full-time, tenured or tenure-track faculty members.
He started off by producing mean salaries for men and women in the various disciplines, and examining the differentials. In 70 of the 79 disciplines, the male mean was higher, in some cases significantly so. For example, the mean differential favoring men was $12,649 in English literature, $24,845 in chemical engineering, and $23,294 in economics. But these comparisons included men and women at all stages in their careers — so the senior faculty members with higher salaries (and who are more likely to be men) tilt the sample significantly.
So then Umbach ran a series of analyses designed to compensate for that and other factors. Years of seniority were factored in, as were books and articles written, career patents, whether the person was receiving outside support for research, professorial rank, and the general job market in the discipline (based on percentage of new Ph.D.’s who are employed), among other factors. When all of those factors were added, the gap still remained, at 6.8 percent.
There are not clear explanations for the gap, leaving open the possibility that bias is at play, Umbach said. But he said that other parts of his study suggest that the bias may not be a simple preference for men, but may relate to biases based on disciplines and on how faculty members spend their time.
For instance, Umbach found that as the proportion of females in a discipline increases, the mean salaries drop — for men and women. Another factor that negatively correlates with salaries is the percentage of time spent teaching: The greater a discipline’s time spent on teaching, the lower its salaries — for men and women. The more outside research funding, the higher the salaries.
In one respect, Umbach said, those findings don’t suggest bias because male and female faculty members in the discipline are affected equally. But when these figures are coupled with other studies suggesting, for example, that female professors may spend more time on teaching, questions are raised about underlying bias.
“We know that women tend to be employed in disciplines with a lot of other women, in disciplines without as much funded research, in disciplines with more time teaching,” he said. “Is the reward structure more male? Are we creating structures that reward men?”
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The problem in pay inequity isn’t just base salary, but also the difficulty women have working overtime or overload and taking on extra paying commitments above salary.
Many women are also the caretakers of elderly parents, children, households — and there just isn’t enough time to take full advantage of earning extra income.
Also, and I believe this, women are more likely to take on extra chores for the “good of the order", which is a wonderful thing to do—and may earn much good will, but this doesn’t translate into an increase in take home pay.
Distribution of household responsiblity is also involved in pay inequity, and we should also address that and raise awareness.
Dr. Beatrice Catherino, Community College Instructor, at 8:25 am EDT on April 13, 2006
I read this article with interest, but I would like to know if there is a gap in salary developing in foreign languages and literatures (namely Spanish) where women and minorities form a significant proportion of the faculty. Is less attention being given to this area in regard to tenure-track positions and salaries? It certainly appears so at my institution, where a significant proportion of faculty who teach at the major level are now at the lecturers and, despite the fact that the number of majors we teach has grown from about 50 to 400+ and the number of language students has gone through the roof, the tenure-track faculty has not grown or is shrinking. Is this a national trend?
Frank Dominguez, Dr. at UNC-Chapel Hill, at 9:05 am EDT on April 13, 2006
An interesting study that could be duplicated for individual institutions to identify patterns of bias if they exist. However, the finding that “women tend to be employed in disciplines with a lot of other women. . .” seems rather obvious. Isn’t this the same as saying there are lots of women in disciplines with lots of women.
Smith, at 9:05 am EDT on April 13, 2006
Smith I don’t believe that the author’s statement and your restatement ("there are lots of women in disciplines with lots of women") are the same thing. Some fields — art history, foriegn languages — tend to attract more women to the field. Others — physics, history — tend have more men in the field. I believe the study author’s comments suggest that women join fields where there are already a disproportionate number of women already present (women following women). An interesting study would be to study how are men and women treated — differently, more similarly — within disciplines where women predominate.
I think the study author’s last question is crucial — is the reward system male? How does this relate to issues like the tenure track and time off (or not) for pregnancy?
gigi, at 11:00 am EDT on April 13, 2006
Average salaries are how much again? Tell the guy/girl at Wal-mart how unfair things are for you and see what they have to say. Whine to the construction workers that built that nice, new house you just bought and see what happens. I guess the theory of relativity exists outside science circles.
Befuddled, at 11:00 am EDT on April 13, 2006
befuddled...not to demean the walmart employee, but the wage scale there is irrelevant to how much you’d pay a professor. there’s a bit more training and apprencticeship involved in being a college professor. the construction worker analogy might be closer, depending on the skill involved.
moreover, people who enter education are underpaid generally relative to skill and ability than are people who enter the private sector. a trained social scientist can make 3x and more a prof’s salary if s/he joins mckinsey or another consultancy.
the real issue is not to worry (out of some misplaced jealousy or whatever) about how much others make, but to figure out how to get people to take education seriously, how to improve education and also how to get walmart to not pay slave wages.
befuddled by befuddled, at 11:40 am EDT on April 13, 2006
Befuddled by Befuddled — you are too kind.
Befuddled — You don’t even have to know how to make change to work at Wal-Mart (the register figures it out for you; it doesn’t take much to mortise a joint, either. I can do both. Plus I can write a book, draft a complex merger agreement and translate Russian — and have done so.
And you think I’m overpaid at $53,900? Give me a break.
Comm Prof, at 12:20 pm EDT on April 13, 2006
Of the two measures of central tendency used to describe complex ratio data like salary figures, the mean is more sensitive to highs and lows. The effect, for example, of male endowed chairholders on salary distributions might cause the mean to rise. Similarly, low-paid females might have the reverse effect. Salary data cannot be comprehended fully without knowing the median, which represents the actual mid-point in a distribution and which is not sensitive to out-liers.
Molly, at 12:55 pm EDT on April 13, 2006
Gigi- I’ve read other studies which have shown that the pay gap is about the same in every field, regardless of the number of men or women who are in the field. Male secretaries are paid more and promoted more often than their female counterparts as are male nurses over female nurses etc. I think your comment that the reward system is based on men is spot on. Skills and abilities which women possess in greater numbers, such as interpersonal skills (teaching), are considered less valuable to a company than skills/abilities in which men have the advantage (working overtime). This is true in every field but the tenure system unique to higher education is particularly disadvantageous to women because it is the most stringent.
Becca, at 12:55 pm EDT on April 13, 2006
From what I hear, women may be less likely than men to negotiate starting salaries in academia and elsewhere. Rather than settling for what is first offered, women should play the negotiation game once the job offer is in hand. There’s nothing to lose.
Karen, Dartmouth, at 1:05 pm EDT on April 13, 2006
For sure on that negotiation part...when I was hired in as faculty, it was sheer luck that a friend with identical experience was hired by the same district weeks before me. She told me what to say and how to negotiate. Without her advice and encouragement I would have been placed at the first step and scale,and simply felt lucky to have the job. As it turns out, I have made thousands more over the last ten years by starting at a somewhat higher step
marcella norling, at 4:10 pm EDT on April 13, 2006
I agree on the value of learning, but not education — these are two distinctly different things. We don’t value either in America. If we did, K-12 teaching would be a higher paying profession.
As for Comm Prof’s comments, if you’re so talented (as you listed your job skills) then why exactly are you ONLY making $53K. By your logic I should be able to make $1 million easily — I mean, I can list a page full of things I’m capable of doing.
I repeat my earlier point..... it’s all reltive. The VP making $100K thinks he’s underpaid too. Who’s right?
Befuddled, at 5:50 pm EDT on April 13, 2006
Much has happened in this area since 1999. I’d be much more interested if the data were more recent. Retirement of older faculty and staff is happening at a quick rate and women have made fantastic inroads since 1999.
As long as one gender tends to not work for the overtime or other extra-earning opportunities, for whatever reason, the market will always handicap accordingly.
So, give me some data from at least 2005 and then we can have a discussion about the social climate and mores that explain the gap.
Robert, at 7:10 pm EDT on April 13, 2006
It’s not that I feel I am overpaid, since as someone with upmteen years of education and 7 years of work experience I still cannot make ends meet for my family (and we do not live luxuriously). But in comparing our pay scales with those of both Walmart employees and lawyers I do think that we should take into accound the miseries of their jobs and the pleasures and relative autonomy of ours.OK, now I am going into hiding...
Sarah Schneewind, Assistant Professor at UCSD, at 9:30 pm EDT on April 13, 2006
I’m employed by a state university whose salaries are below the national average in a county of Vermont where the cost of living, especially housing and utilities, is above the national average. Add to this a spouse who is unable to work due to illness and a university administration increasingly shifting the cost of healthcare onto employees, and it becomes obvious to me that 1) it’s also because some of us wind up having to moonlight—most of my colleagues teach extra courses to make ends meet—that we wind up with fewer of the publications that our institutions reward; and 2) if I’m living paycheck to paycheck in my modest but still overpriced two-bedroom, one-bath house in Burlington, Vermont, how to even imagine getting by here on a Walmart paycheck? It’s an even bigger struggle for the Walmart worker—but it’s the same fight.
Nancy Welch, Professor at University of Vermont, at 8:20 am EDT on April 14, 2006
Why is bias defined as whatever difference is left after everything else has been accounted for? Part of that is going to be other sex-related sources of variance, not necessarily attributable to bias — just unidentifiable. There should be ways to measure bias more directly, perhaps something involving manipulation. Oh wait! Such studies have already been done and clearly demonstrate that bias exists. Why is there any doubt that women are being treated with bias in real life when it can be so clearly demonstrated in experiments?
Nancy, at 5:15 am EDT on April 17, 2006
” .. And you think I’m overpaid at $53,900? Give me a break. ..”
Sir, before you break out in tears, just remember this.
If you left, there would be dozens (hundreds) of well-qualified applicants. Even if your wage package was cut 10% — which, of course, would allow tuition costs to be reduced, which would lower student loan needs.
Anytime you think you get more — no one is forcing you to stay. You’re free to go, anytime you like — your choice. You’re hardly a victim.
B.J., at 8:20 am EDT on April 17, 2006
In the actual study, which I just read, the author claims that the residual 6.8% difference in pay is due to discrimination — although such claims are not explicitly stated as such, the terminology is always in terms of “penalties” to women.
The assumption that the residual is “unexplained” is, politely, BS. The author’s best attempt, for example, to “control for other human capital characteristics,” includes variables: “funded,” “articles,” “chapters,” “doctorate,” “MA", etc.
Does it not occur to the author that perhaps the missing granularity of these gross categories *might* be an explanation for a 7% difference in salary (about $5,000, according to the author). For example, are all “articles” the same? If some are in crappy journals, and some in “A” journals, do they count the same in the real world? — no, but they do in his model. What about “doctorate” — does it matter where it’s from? Does it merely matter whether one is “funded,” or does it matter how much funding you have, or how much funding relative to your peers?
All of these are unknowns, and all of them have plenty of variance associated with them to drive a 7% salary difference to 0.
E
Eric, Assistant Prof @ NE School, at 1:35 pm EDT on April 18, 2006
This a very complicated issue with many factors, some of which feedback on one another to make the problem worse. I do not believe it is accurate for the author to claim that the gender pay gap is actually less than 22% because the factors that he is adding in an attempt to simplify matters are an INTEGRAL part of the issue. The author states that, “years of seniority were factored in, as were books and articles written, career patents, whether the person was receiving outside support for research, professorial rank...” and that this brought the gender pay gap from 22% to 7%. However, a broader view of the subject often reveals that the system is set up in such a way that, all of the listed factors (articles, books, patents, funding, rank and by virtue of those seniority) are more easily obtained by men.
For example, women have many obstacles to publication of papers and patents and obtaining of funding, including, but not limited to: 1) lack of time for research, paper and grant writing due to increased teaching and administrative loads, the care of family (which disproportionately falls to women over men –a trend that is clearly shown by many studies which conclude that single women advance much farther than those who chose to marry, whereas single men do not advance as far as their married counterparts), and the common need to moonlight to make ends meet under the lower pay scales (this becomes a circular problem that feeds back on the pay issue); 2) the fact that most editorial boards, grant review committees and peer review committees are male dominated; and 3) on multi-author papers where a male and female researcher contributed equally to the work, the male author is more likely to be listed first (which is more prestigious). Interestingly, professional rank and election to honorific societies (such as the National Academy of Science whose current membership is only 10% women) are often calculated based on the publication of papers and patents and the successful obtaining of funding coupled with personal reputation in the field. Not only do women have less time to publish and write grants for the reasons listed above, but they also spend less time networking with their peers for the very same reasons. It is not surprising that women rarely make it to seniority. If institutions took stock of their own pay practices and mandated uniform pay for men and women and we as a society sought to even out domestic responsibilities between men and women, then we will see a change in the publishing and funding rates of women, which in turn would lead to higher advancement for women overall.
Mara Jeffress, Ph.D., Postdoctoral Fellow at LBNL, at 7:40 pm EDT on May 3, 2006
Having read through the comments, I see still another twist to the explanation: it is common practice at Community Colleges to have one set starting pay for Arts and Sciences teachers and another one for those on the technical side, since the reasoning is that it is so much harder to hire some of those folks.
So, in 1996, I was hired to teach English at the astonishing salary of $28,800; I had a Master’s degree, ten years of experience, and had credentials as a high school teacher. I found out later that someone was hired in the range of $40,000-$45,000 to teach a trade, and he only had the equivalent of an AA. At the two year college level, then, gender may well play a significant role but there are other factors as well. On the other hand, how many female welding instructors are there?
The real inequity to me comes from the increasing exploitation of adjunct instructors (and many of them happen to be women) as well as the tendency of all colleges to cut back on hiring full time teachers, but continue to hire full time “support staff” without ever having to provide a rationale for doing so.
Cherie Dargan, Associate Professor, at 1:40 pm EDT on June 12, 2006
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Gender gaps in paychecks
Of course this is bound to exist becuase women do most of the extra work at home, care taking of children and others, family chores which the men willingly pass on to them. The situation is worse in lesser developed countries.In fact another factor is at play here. A woman who takes care of home and family is perceived to be more ‘feminine’ by the men. So in a normal workday, a woman spends lesser hours doing economically productive work than her male counterpart. Apart from the gender biases that women cannot perform higher paying typically male dominated tasks well enough keep her centred aound ’softer’ jobs. Unless men take equal responsibility to run the household and family, women will continue to suffer.Think, is this right?
Chaitalie Shukla, at 5:10 am EDT on April 7, 2008